La Venezuela de Nicolás Maduro

The 2019 Venezuelan Blackout and the consequences of cyber uncertainty 
Joe Devanny, Luiz Rogério Franco Goldoni, Breno Pauli Medeiros . 
Revista Brasileira De Estudos De Defesa. 2021

In March 2019, Nicolás Maduro claimed that the blackout in Venezuela was caused by U.S. cyber-attacks. This statement was promptly denied by Mike Pompeo, the U.S. Secretary of State. Irrespective of the truth of Maduro’s allegation, this episode highlights the diplomatic challenges for states in the contemporary information environment, in which contested narratives proliferate and embed themselves more durably because of the deterritoriality and disintermediation of the Internet. This is particularly true in the context of an emerging pattern of state actors conducting cyber operations against critical infrastructure in other states. The cumulative impact of these different strands is that states will likely struggle to control the perception of their intentions in the cyber domain, not only amongst governments but across the many national audiences that comprise the global public sphere. Focusing on Maduro’s allegation, this article analyses the political utility of cyber uncertainty, and its corresponding implications for states’ cyber strategies and decisionmaking.

Alcance de mecanismos de cooperación regional frente a la crisis política en Venezuela 
Veruska Torres, A. Camuñas Solís, Alejandro Bello-Pintado. 
Revista De Ciencias Sociales (Zulia). 2019

After the beginning of a revolutionary process initiated by Hugo Chávez Frías in 1999, Venezuela has entered into a complicated political, economic and social situation, which since 2013 with the coming to power of Nicolás Maduro Moros, the successor of President Chávez, has become a more acute polarization of the country around two different political visions, the official and the opposition, which has led to an internal political crisis causing the clear interest of the international organizations of the continent, not only those of a primarily political nature such as the Organization of American States, among others, but also those who prioritize economic interests such as the Common Market of the South. The objective of this research that addressed the 2013-2017 period, focuses on analyzing the scope of American cooperation mechanisms in the face of the current situation in Venezuela. From a neorealistic approach to International Relations, and through the review of meetings, declarations and statutes, it is evident among the results that an institutional consensus on how to deal with such a situation has not yet been achieved due not only to the diversity of approaches politicians who converge on them, but also to the very nature of organisms.

Analysis of Russian factors supporting Nicolás Maduro in the Venezuelan crisis from Alexander Wendt's constructivist perspective 
Jamal Din Aulia, Endah Kurniati 
Political Science. SIYAR Journal. 2023

The crisis happening in Venezuela is a humanitarian crisis that affects political instability and local economics. This economic crisis is caused by reducing the cost of oil supply. Besides, the political crisis began with internal problems between the government and the opponent, exacerbating the situation. It brings attention to developing countries to get into this crisis dynamic, such as Russia. In Venezuela’s crisis, Russia offered material support and morality to Nicolas Maduro’s Thus, Russia attempts to support Maduro from international claims. This research intends to analyze the reasons behind Russia’s supporting Nicolas Maduro in the Venezuela Crisis by using the constructivism theory of Alexander Wendt. Based on research results, showed 3 variables that explain Russia’s involvement in the Venezuela crisis. Firstly, interdependence is related to corporation dependence between Russia and Venezuela. Second, homogeneity, is based on both the same background. Lastly, common fate is based on the same destiny and adversary between Russia and Venezuela.

El año de la propaganda oficial: “Venezuela se arregló” y la galería de las paradojas
Nastassja Rojas Silva
Sergio Ángel 
Revista de ciencia política (Santiago). 2023

El año 2022 representó un punto de inflexión para el régimen de Nicolás Maduro, gracias a que la situación económica tuvo una ligera mejoría a nivel interno, mientras que a nivel internacional logró superar el cerco diplomático y relajar las sanciones económicas de Estados Unidos. El artículo presenta un análisis de lo acontecido en Venezuela durante el año 2022 a través de la lente de la propaganda política del régimen que se ocupó de vender un país que se arregló, cuando la vida de la población venezolana dista de esta realidad. Para analizar las paradojas de la campaña oficial en contraste con la realidad de lo que vivieron en Venezuela, se analizaron los cambios en calidad de vida, derechos civiles y políticos, migración y cambios en el escenario internacional. Se concluye que, los cambios producidos en el país, beneficiaron al régimen y su imagen hacia el exterior, mientras mantuvieron en una situación crítica a la población.

Aproximaciones reflexivas a la política de control social
Jesús E Párraga Meléndez,
Revista Latinoamericana de Difusión Científica. 2023

El objetivo del artículo consiste en caracterizar la política de control social, formal e informal, a la luz de los principales desarrollos teóricos (multidisciplinarios) sobre el tema. Justificó el desarrollo de la investigación un intento de aproximación reflexiva a acontecimientos de la historia contemporánea de Venezuela en el período (2013-2021), los cuales, para poder explicarse de forma racional, deben enmarcarse en las contradicciones del ordenamiento jurídico, especialmente en cuanto a las competencias derivadas de la política de control social. Mucho más cuando, el sistema de gobierno del régimen de Nicolás Maduro deriva en posibles excesos que de manera sistemática pudieran desdibujar el uso adecuado de tal control, desde una perspectiva formal. En lo metodológico se trata de una investigación descriptiva estructurada mediante el despliegue de una metodología fenomenológica-hermenéutica. Se concluye que una nueva categoría de control social se implementa en función del uso de herramientas tecnológicas masivas como es internet y las redes sociales, las cuales al ser utilizadas por órganos estatales no cambian la naturaleza del control social pues prevalece el hecho que el agente que detenta el poder es el Estado, por ello es pertinente advertir que se trataría de un control social formal y a veces invisible.

The Attitude of Latin American Countries towards Venezuela’s Dual Power Situation from 2019 to 2022
Rajko Petrović, Ivan Dujić
Review of international affairs. 2024

Archipiélagos politicos bajo la tormenta en Venezuela: Coaliciones, actores y autocratización 
Francisco José Alfaro Pareja. 
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. 2024

La evolución del régimen híbrido en Venezuela ha provocado un conflicto político extendido que ha derivado en desinstitucionalización y una crisis humanitaria compleja. Partiendo de esta mutación, este artículo conceptualiza la emergencia de dos coaliciones que han interactuado durante veinte años a modo de archipiélagos, cada una compuesta por grupos (islotes) con diversas visiones y formas de relacionarse. Disputando el poder, estas coaliciones han promovido acciones y discursos basados en ideas fundamentales: una, de tendencia iliberal y revolucionaria (CIR); otra, de tendencia liberal y democrática (CLD). También, se analiza cómo su interacción ha promovido el desarrollo de un patrón: escalamiento de violencia; instalación de mecanismos alternativos de diálogo y negociación (MADN) desescalamiento de violencia; no transformación del conflicto. Finalmente, el involucramiento de los actores externos representa un factor consustancial a la composición y desplazamiento de cada islote para radicalizar su postura o, por el contrario, contribuir a una solución democrática y negociada.

Autoritarismo, izquierdas y democracia participativa en Venezuela 
Margarita López Maya. 
Nueva Sociedad. 2023

¿Cómo acabó la Revolución Bolivariana en la deriva autoritaria actual? Un recorrido por la Constitución de 1999 y las diferentes instituciones de la democracia participativa permite ver las tensiones existentes en la época de Hugo Chávez, quien allanó el camino para una vía iliberal, y cómo estas habilitaron una nueva forma de autoritarismo bajo Nicolás Maduro. En el debate entre las izquierdas en América Latina se especula mucho sobre los vínculos entre la democracia directa y/o participativa y los nuevos autoritarismos de la región. ¿Son estos regímenes consecuencia de implantar formas de democracia participativa? Mecanismos de democracia directa, como referendos o asambleas, ¿nos ponen en riesgo de caer en regímenes autoritarios? Aquí argumentamos que la conversión de la democracia participativa asentada en la Constitución de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, aprobada en un referéndum popular en 1999, no tendía hacia ni pretendía construir un régimen autoritario. La dictadura de Nicolás Maduro, el sucesor de Hugo Chávez, es resultado del rechazo a las instituciones de democracia liberal, materializado en el estilo de ejercicio del poder del llamado «comandante eterno», la ideología «marxista-leninista» de herencia soviética de parte del liderazgo civil, la influencia cubana y la vocación nacionalista y autoritaria de los militares venezolanos, incluido el propio Chávez. Este ensayo se desglosa en varias partes para sustanciar este argumento. Primero, revisa la Constitución de 1999 resaltando la concepción de régimen que allí se estableció, que corresponde a un híbrido de instituciones democráticas liberales y de democracia directa participativa. Segundo, examina la evolución de organizaciones comunitarias auspiciadas por el primer gobierno de Chávez, para mostrar que obedecieron a una concepción democrático liberal, que torció rumbo hacia fórmulas estatistas en 2007 con el proyecto del «socialismo del siglo xxi». Tercero, presenta ideas «marxistas-leninistas» de partidos de la extrema izquierda en Venezuela, muchos de cuyos cuadros, asimilados al chavismo y ahora al madurismo, han tenido gran influencia en las tendencias antiliberales, devenidas autoritarias. Luego, resalta el populismo de izquierda que Chávez encarnó, para finalizar mostrando cómo todos estos factores se conjugaron para contribuir, junto con los militares, a la actual deriva dictatorial de Venezuela.

O colapso do Petro-Estado Venezuelano: uma análise da era Maduro 
William Adrian Clavijo Vitto, Fernanda Delgado de Jesus, João Victor Marques Cardoso 
Brazilian Journal of International Relations. 2022

O presente trabalho analisa as especificidades políticas e econômicas que influenciaram o colapso do Petro-Estado venezuelano durante os governos de Nicolás Maduro na Venezuela. Para isso, a pesquisa analisou os principais indicadores econômicos e sociais, com ênfase naqueles relacionados com a indústria do petróleo, e a evolução do processo político do país durante os últimos anos. Entre os resultados, o trabalho identificou que as causas da deterioração dos indicadores socioeconômicos estiveram relacionadas ao colapso da produção petrolífera e dos erros de política econômica desde a era Chávez, e que se acelerou com as sanções econômicas impostas ao país em 2017 e 2019. Contudo, apesar da instabilidade gerada pelo colapso econômico, variáveis internas e externas, como a aceleração do processo de “autocratização” e o apoio de aliados internacionais, permitiram a Nicolás Maduro a manutenção do poder político da Venezuela, em detrimento do respeito à institucionalidade democrática do país.

Cómo las sanciones a Venezuela abrieron paso a un capitalismo autoritario
Benedicte Bull, Antulio Rosales. 
Nueva Sociedad. 2023

Las sanciones pueden tener efectos duraderos en los países destinatarios, con consecuencias no previstas ni esbozadas originalmente por quienes las crearon. Esto es lo que ocurrió en Venezuela. Las sanciones y las medidas reactivas tomadas por el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro han ido transformando las políticas públicas y dando lugar a nuevos sectores económicos, en un contexto de fortalecimiento del bloque bolivariano y un intento de la oposición de adaptarse al nuevo escenario.

Comunicación y violencia política en Venezuela: las elecciones a la asamblea nacional constituyente según los diarios El Impulso y Correo del Orinoco (2017)
Francisco Camacho Rodríguez, Génesis Montes Biondi
Estudios sobre el mensaje periodístico, 2022

Se presenta un análisis de las noticias publicadas en las primeras páginas de los diarios El Impulso y Correo del Orinoco sobre el proceso de convocatoria y elecciones a la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 2017 en Venezuela. Se compararon los titulares y leads aplicando la técnica del análisis de contenido. Se realizó un cuadro de categorías y subcategorías, siguiendo los criterios de pertinencia, representatividad, homogeneidad, exhaustividad. La investigación está sustentada en las teorías de la comunicación política, la personificación de la política y la posverdad. En medio de la polarización y la violencia en las calles, el Correo, controlado por el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro, fue el que más apeló a las emociones de su audiencia, mientras que la personificación política en torno a la figura del fallecido Hugo Chávez en medios oficialistas no tuvo la intensidad de los años anteriores. El Impulso dedicó más espacio a la confrontación del proceso Constituyente que el Correo del Orinoco.

Conjunturas críticas, mudanças de ciclos políticos e desdemocratização na Venezuela ao longo dos governos chavistas 
Jefferson Nascimento
Brazilian Journal of Latin American. 2023

O presente artigo analisa as transformações sociopolíticas ocorridas na Venezuela desde a chegada de Chávez ao poder, utilizando os conceitos de conjuntura crítica, ciclo político e (des)democratização como ferramentas teóricas. Mais especificamente, objetivamos responder a seguinte pergunta: é possível afirmar que, na mudança do governo de Hugo Chavéz para o governo de Nicolás Maduro, houve também uma mudança de ciclo político? Argumentamos que sim, pois houve uma significativa reformulação das agendas dominantes no debate público e uma rearticulação dos atores hegemônicos nas disputas políticas, fazendo emergir inclusive novos atores. Além disso, a maneira como as instituições funcionam foi radicalmente alterada, principalmente do ponto de vista do seu funcionamento informal. O resultado disso foi que, desde 2013, está em curso um processo no qual os elementos democratizantes que marcaram o ciclo político chavista (1999-2013) vêm desaparecendo e os traços desdemocratizantes herdados desse período se acentuam progressivamente.

Consideraciones sobre los orígenes de los populismos progresistas en América Latina y la persistencia del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en Venezuela 
Ramacciotti, Ricardo Cubas  
Araucaria. 2024

El régimen establecido por Hugo Chávez y continuado por Nicolás Maduro en Venezuela ha generado repercusiones sociales, migratorias, económicas y políticas que han trascendido las fronteras del país, convirtiéndose en un factor desestabilizador para la democracia y la seguridad de América Latina. Para explicar dicho fenómeno, se propone analizar los antecedentes, contextos y elementos que propiciaron su surgimiento y consolidación. Para ello, después de discutir el concepto y las características del populismo, se hace una revisión de su plasmación histórica en los populismos clásicos latinoamericanos de mediados del siglo XX. La sección final se centra en analizar las peculiaridades del neopopulismo latinoamericano y del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en Venezuela. A través de esta exploración, se busca comprender sus bases ideológicas, características y consecuencias, así como proponer hipótesis sobre las causas de su permanencia en el poder.

Constitutional self-negation in Venezuela:
Problematizing constitutionalism’s internalization of the theory of constituent power 
Rafael Macía Briedis. 
International Journal of Constitutional Law.  2021

The article looks at the constitutional underpinnings of the political crisis that has unfolded in Venezuela (around the competing claims to the presidency by Juan Guaidó and Nicolás Maduro), in an effort to understand the structural elements that have enabled that crisis. The central argument of the article is that Venezuela presents an example of “self-negating constitutionalism.” A self-negating constitution is one that, by negating its own position as the exclusive, self-contained source of democratic authorization for a given polity, ultimately ceases to serve as the last instance for the adjudication of institutional conflicts, including conflicts about the proper locus of representation of the “sovereign” demos, thereby undermining the constitutional structure in its entirety and replacing the rule of law with extralegal power as the mechanism for the resolution of political disputes. As the paper will show, this is precisely what the Venezuelan Constitution has done by outsourcing the competency to “transform the state” to an institution supposedly authorized by the people’s “original constituent power.”

Continuity and change in Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution 
Julia Buxton. 
Third World Quarterly. 2019

The aims and outcomes of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela are fiercely contested. A sympathetic view sees the possibility of Left revolutionary transformation as destabilised by aggressive US and domestic opposition actions. Detractors trace an authoritarian path from President Hugo Chávez’s election in 1998 to an inevitable socialist implosion under his successor Nicolás Maduro two decades later. This article emphasises continuities between the Bolivarian Fifth Republic and the Fourth Republic that the Revolution displaced. These account for the limitations of the transformative process. Historical institutionalism explains the reproduction of rentier practices and centralised state management and political organisation, culminating in cascading crisis across regime types.

Constraints, Dilemmas and Challenges for EU Foreign Policy in Venezuela 
Anna Ayuso, Tiziano Breda, Elsa Lilja Gunnarsdottir, Marianne Riddervold. 
The International Spectator: Italian Journal of… 2024

Years of increasingly authoritarian rule and economic mismanagement by President Nicolás Maduro have turned Venezuela into a source of regional instability. The European Union’s (EU) main foreign policy objective towards the country has been a peaceful transition to free and transparent elections and its re-introduction into regional and global trade and political frameworks. The strategies pursued by the EU to mitigate the constraints on its foreign policy towards Venezuela have helped to bring about more EU unity, but have failed to have a significant impact in the country itself. Multipolar competition between the EU and the United States (US) on the one hand and between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia on the other, have undermined the EU’s attempts to contribute a peaceful solution to the process. Most recently, the war on Ukraine has created a new dilemma for the EU in its dealings with Venezuela, that is, having to navigate between maintaining pressure on the Maduro regime, keeping up momentum for negotiations and deciding whether to follow the US in resuming oil trade with Caracas to mitigate the energy crisis in Europe.

Court-packing and democratic decay: A necessary relationship? 
Benjamín García Holgado, Raul A. Sanchez Urribarri.
Global Constitutionalism. 2023

A growing body of literature on the role of courts in democratic backsliding claims that court-packing weakens liberal democracy. However, this is not necessarily the case. The goals of the actors who produce court-packing help to explain why the co-optation of the judiciary can have a substantial negative effect on liberal democracy in some (although not all) cases. In this respect, we distinguish two types of court-packing. First, policy-driven court-packing occurs when politicians manipulate the composition of courts in order to assure a quick implementation of policies. Although this tends to negatively affect judicial independence, it is not per se a first step towards regime change. Second, regime-driven court-packing happens when politicians alter the composition of the courts with the goal of eroding democracy. In this case, court-packing’s negative effect on judicial independence has a systemic negative effect on different dimensions of liberal democracy. Relying on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, we conceptualize these two types of court-packing by comparing two cases: Carlos Menem (1989–99) in Argentina, seeking judicial support to carry out pro-market economic reforms, and Hugo Chávez (1999–2013) and Nicolás Maduro (2013–present) in Venezuela, seeking to control the judiciary in the context of democratic backsliding.

Cryptocurrencies in hyperinflationary Venezuela  
Richard Fast 
Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets… 2021

This literature review covers hyperinflation in Venezuela, from the 1980s to the present. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of cryptocurrency in the country and how the Venezuelan government has been using crypto, specifically the Petro, as a means to avoid further blunders with hyperinflation. From Hugo Chávez and “Socialism of the 21st Century” to the current regime of Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’ successor, the printing of money in Venezuela has sky-rocketed to the point of the government needing cryptocurrency, such as Bitcoin, as a means of circumventing inflation to fund the government’s ambitious social projects. A key element in its success, however, will be whether the Venezuelan people will opt to use the government-backed Petro, or whether they will opt to use a different, decentralized alternative digital currency to avoid the perils of hyperinflation. The paper will examine this issue from several diverse points of view: specifically, the Austrian School (Echarte Fernández, Hernández, & Zambrano, 2018), the neo-Keynesian school (Pagliacci & Barráez, 2010), and public policy and institutional perspective (Corrales, 1999). The use of cryptocurrencies by governments, in particular socialist governments, is a new occurrence and merits much attention for the future of public and monetary policy in those countries.

Cyberactivism as emergent language in Venezuela
Johann Pirela Morillo, Yamely Margarita Almarza Franco, Joel Alhuay-Quispe 
Digital Library Perspectives. 2020

The purpose of this study is to present a conceptual analysis to artistic manifestation represented through graphic and multimedia pieces that are available in social media networks as document-speeches in relation to protests in Venezuela during April-July, 2017. Also, this paper proposes the implementation of digital documentation tool that allows retrieval, organization, systematization and preservation of visual contents. Design/methodology/approach Semiotic analysis based on 44 artistic pieces (images and videos) posted on Twitter, Instagram and YouTube to protest in Venezuela against the government of Nicolás Maduro in 2017. The authors defined a metadata group for content creation of multimedia and testing information retrieval from general data, textual contents, file formats and semiotic description using Omeka software. Findings The digital documentation of artivism proposed has the potential to sustain over time as documents likely to be studied. It also constitutes an important analysis and a historical reconstruction, which must be taken into consideration to conduct research in the future political and social process of Venezuela. Social implications Cyber-artivism, a concept related to online activism, is conceived as an artistic expression mediated by technologies and social media emerging in the context of social environments with a political–demographic character. Originality/value Digital preservation of multimedia contents by their semiotic and historic value as artistic cyber-activism.

La educomunicación como herramienta de mitigación del discurso de odio en la política populista. Casos Venezuela y Brasil 
Diego E. Vintimilla León; Ángel Torres Toukoumidis; Mónica Hinojosa Becerra 
Chasqui: Revista Latinoamericana de Comunicación. 2023

El discurso de odio tiene el potencial de fomentar prejuicios y estereotipos negativos hacia aquellos grupos sociales que son objeto de estos ataques, socavando los principios rectores de la democracia, como la inclusión, la igualdad y los derechos humanos. Este fenómeno social puede propagarse de manera insidiosa a través de discursos políticos, medios de comunicación y plataformas digitales. Para afrontar este problema, se ha propuesto la implementación de estrategias educomunicativas destinadas a mitigar sus efectos perjudiciales. El diseño metodológico de este enfoque implica el análisis de contenido de las noticias publicadas por agencias internacionales desde el 1 de enero hasta el 31 de diciembre de 2022, relacionadas con el discurso de líderes políticos de extracción derechista, como Jair Bolsonaro (Brasil), y de extracción izquierdista, como Nicolás Maduro (Venezuela). Los resultados ponen de manifiesto que los políticos populistas examinados recurren de manera consistente a la técnica retórica de demonización en sus discursos. Como resultado, se han identificado una serie de estrategias educomunicativas destinadas a fomentar el desarrollo de una conciencia crítica en la ciudadanía a través de la creación de nuevos escenarios políticos

The Effects of Chavez's Populism on Today's Venezuela 
Italia Messina 
Perception. 2019

This research analyzes the current economic crisis in Venezuela and its impact on human rights. The majority of Venezuelan citizens have been negatively impacted by hyperinflation, deteriorating healthcare systems, and government corruption. Mass emigration of Venezuelans to neighboring countries has placed great stress on the region as a whole, and the international community has yet to recognize Venezuela’s plight as an official refugee crisis. Drawing upon recent news articles, this research intends to understand how the economic system left in place by former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez began to crumble after current Venezuelan president NicolasMaduro was elected. It utilizes diverse news sources to analyze the causes of Venezuela’s sunken economy in order to provide insight towards plausible solutions. Exploring various options for alleviating economic hardship at the individual and nation-state levels, this paper aims to reflect on ways in which government corruption and consolidation of power within the Venezuelan political system could be eradicated. I have briefly analyzed the efficacy of methods such as economic sanctions, external military intervention, humanitarian aid, and collective action in alleviating Venezuela’s problems. As evidenced by this research, there is not one concrete, unambiguous answer to the problem at hand. Implications remain in each of the aforementioned methods of alleviating suffering in Venezuela. Stronger economic sanctions will further worsen Venezuela before it betters it, external military intervention will solidify fears of imperialism, and collective action by the international community has proven to be disorganized. This paper draws parallels to many of the sources cited within it, in that humanitarian aid is of dire need until long-term actions are taken to reform Venezuela’s economy.

En Venezuela “Todo está muy normal”
Pablo Stefanoni
Análisis Carolina. 2022

La situación venezolana se ha venido transformando en el plano interno y externo. Se observa una consolidación de Nicolás Maduro en el poder, en medio de un esfuerzo del gobierno bolivariano por mostrar que el país salió del pozo, pese a las sanciones económicas. La coyuntura política latinoamericana y la invasión rusa de Ucrania han cambiado también el contexto geopolítico internacional. Con negociaciones en varios planos entre Caracas y Washington, la oposición —al igual que el debilitado “gobierno encargado”— busca reposicionarse en el nuevo escenario —y reorganizarse internamente— con vistas a las presidenciales de 2024.

Engagement of the Judiciary in the Political Activity of the Ruling Camp. A Case Study of the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice 
Wawrzyniec Kowalski 
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego. 2023

The aim of this article is to define the role played by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice in the political system of contemporary Venezuela and determine the extent of the executive branch’s actual influence on the judiciary. The research problem formulated by the author concerns the determination of the actual importance of the Tribunal in keeping the Chavistas in power. The paper compares the substantive legal competences of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice with the political realities of the recent years and shows the main reasons why the Tribunal’s activities undertaken in recent years have raised so much controversy. It has been pointed out that the Chavistas’ control of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice is a meaningful factor enabling the supporters of Nicolas Maduro to exercise judicial and extrajudicial control over the institutions of the judiciary and influence the legislature

Facebook: plataforma de comunicación para líderes políticos de Venezuela. Caso de estudio: Nicolás Maduro y Juan Guaidó 
Rosario Puertas Hidalgo, Katherine Romero-Mora Redmarka.
 Rev Mark Apl. 2019

Las redes sociales se han convertido en un canal indispensable de la comunicación política. El objetivo es analizar la gestión en Facebook y la retórica del discurso de líderes políticos antes y durante la crisis política de Venezuela. En la metodología cuantitativa se analiza el total de publicaciones, reacciones, comentarios y compartidos. Se clasificaron las publicaciones con etiquetas de temas recurrentes. En la cualitativa, se analiza el contenido en base a la teoría del framing de Entman y el análisis de la retórica del discurso según Aristóteles (ethos, pathos y logos) para identificar la persuasión en el discurso. De acuerdo con el resultado de la investigación, el discurso de Nicolás Maduro tiene un trasfondo de manipulación, mientras que Juan Guaidó utiliza un discurso político basado en las emociones.  Se concluye que existe diferencia en el manejo de Facebook de Nicolás Maduro y Juan Guaidó, tanto antes como después de la crisis.

Government performance, political trust, and satisfaction with democracy in Venezuela, 2016–2017
Antonella Watson, Margarida Soares Rodrigues, Juheon Lee
Latin American Policy. 2023

Since 2015, Venezuela has been home to numerous protests, instigated mostly by people’s discontent with the government and its public services. Despite the seriousness of these protests, limited studies have examined the Venezuelans’ evaluation of their government and democracy, and only a few of these studies have used quantitative analysis. To fill this gap, this article offers a snapshot of the ongoing crisis using the Americas Barometer survey data collected between 2016 and 2017. We first identified Venezuelans’ three main concerns during this time—shortage of food and necessities, economic crisis, and crime—and examined their relationships with the respondents’ trust in government and satisfaction with democracy. We found that shortages of food and necessities and increasing crime were negatively associated with Venezuelans’ trust in their government (although shortages were a more significant factor than crime). The long-standing problem of economic crisis was not a significant factor in people’s trust in the government. Furthermore, these three factors were not directly linked to Venezuelans’ satisfaction with democracy, but people who showed low levels of trust in government tended to have low satisfaction levels with Venezuelan democracy. Our results invite future studies to compare different times and contexts in Venezuela’s ever-changing political landscape.

El gran fracaso del gradualismo en Venezuela II: del gobierno de Hugo Chávez al fin del primer gobierno de Nicolás Maduro
Esteves Arria, José Tomás
Políticas Públicas. 2023

El gradualismo está asociado con el mantenimiento de controles de cambio y precios, mientras que las políticas de choque están ancladas en devaluaciones y liberalizaciones. En el caso de Venezuela, la política económica a largo plazo está enlazada con el gradualismo y, por tanto, el pasado. Se observa que Venezuela ha sido un país sin libertades económicas aceptables donde las políticas de choque se hallan ausentes. Desde la captura del poder por parte de Hugo Chávez, no sólo las libertades económicas se han restringido peor que años anteriores, sino que la propiedad privada ha sido socavada y la deuda pública ha llevado al borde del default. Este ensayo es el fin de un recorrido empezado en un artículo anterior, buscando confiar en las instancias internacionales como el FMI y la aplicación de políticas de choque para resolver el lastre de unas perjudiciales políticas económicas de antaño y actuales.

International Clientelistic Networks: The Case of Venezuela at the United Nations General Assembly, 1999–2015 
Thales Carvalho Dawisson, Belém Lopes 
Latin American Politics and Society. 2022

This article introduces the concept of international clientelism and discusses how this diplomatic tool was employed by Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro as a means to get political support from several Latin American and Caribbean countries. We operationalize the concept and apply it to assess Venezuelan practices put forth in the region. We argue that the reach of Caracas’s diplomatic strategy is broader and deeper than that of simple vote-buying tactics, as it implies the promotion of structural rather than contingent ties, shielding the country against unfavorable moves in international fora. An empirical test using data for all LAC countries for the years 1999–2015 confirms that clientelistic linkages produced political support for Venezuela at the United Nations General Assembly while also moving its partners away from the United States in that institution.

International Peacemaking in Venezuela’s Intractable Conflict 
David Smilde, Geoff Ramsey 
ERLACS. 2019

Efforts at international peace-making commonly present a dilemma. On the one hand, they are worthwhile because they have the power to reorganize a conflict and change its trajectory. But on the other hand, there is no guarantee that this «added value» works in a positive direction. We argue that peace-making efforts need to build upon past efforts to prevent actors from manipulating them. We look at the four dialogue and negotiation processes that have occurred during the government of Nicolás Maduro. Our review shows that while it is clear that the Maduro government uses dialogue processes as a delay tactic, progress has been made in the mediators’ ability to generate concrete articulation and discussion of the conflicting parties’ demands. However, further progress will require agreement among the international «sponsors» that in 2019 undermined negotiations by providing each side with a better alternative to a negotiated agreement.

The Language of Populism: Donald Trump and Nicolas Maduro 
Daniela Koch-KozhuharovaKalina Ishpekova-Bratanova. 
Political Science, Linguistics. 2019

The paper carries out a comparative analysis of the populist rhetoric and style of US populism and Venezuelan populism with the major aim to possibly identify commonalities and differences. Thus it has set the goal to outline the specific features of populism as a language and the possible theoretical and methodological framework within which it can be examined. The empirical material that has been subject to analysis comprises US President Trump´s tweets on Venezuela and Venezuelan President Maduro´s TV statements on the United in the period January-March 2019, at the height of Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis. The findings suggest that, despite the divergence in terms of political culture and ideological assumptions, the two populist leaders show strong similarities with regard to linguistic devices and discursive strategies. They are both involved in an anti-establishment discourse, where the status quo is rendered as a crisis situation that certainly needs immediate rectification and emergency measures. Such ideas are suggested through the use of coarse language and straightforward and vulgar vocabulary. The populist leader is presumably the mouthpiece of the moral and sovereign people and reportedly tends to speak the truth, which is suggested through the recurrent use of the modal verbs and rare use of any hedging devices. Their insistence on their version of the truth is fortified by the use of highly modal verbs such as shall and will. Furthermore, neither transitivity nor nominalizations are used. Instead the two world leaders make unequivocal assumptions about one another as the root of evil in a democratic world.

Nationalization and Foreign Direct Investment in Venezuela in the Era of President Nicolas Maduro Ramos 
S. Miavania.
Technium Social Sciences Journal. 2022

Venezuela has been famous of its petroleum source, and is right to be claimed for 90% of the country’s economy income since decades. Thus, Venezuela under President Chavez lead its economy through Petroleum and is seen to nationalize the economy policy. After switching from Chavez to Maduro, Venezuela is experiencing a multidimensional crisis rooted in political instability which then threatens every point of the country’s sovereignty. The fact that Nicolas Maduro is following in the footsteps of Chavez, who is anti-imperialist, has made Venezuela the target of sharp criticism from the world, especially the United States and its allies. Venezuela in fact, with its oil resources, ultimately does not want to be driven by the US or western imperialism. This paper focuses on explaining how the nationalization policy in the Nicolas Maduro era affected the country’s FDI. This case is written by using qualitative method that collect data from article, journal, dissertation, website and any other library resources. This paper is analyzed using the concept of nationalization to build a perspective. The results of this study indicate that political tensions have caused divisions and multidimensional crises in Venezuela. During the government of Nicolas Maduro, along with the policy of nationalization of foreign companies being continuously implemented, FDI inflows were also almost non-existent. Maduro refuses any foreign aid from the West. FDI is only received from socialist countries, in this case, China.

Narrativa populista en el pensamiento político de Evo Morales y Nicolás Maduro 
M. Z. Dankowski Marta Jurgielewicz. 
Political Science. 2020

The beginning of the 21st century brought an increase in the importance of populist politicians in some Latin American countries. The most important representatives of contemporary Latin American populism are Evo Morales from Bolivia and Nicolás Maduro from Venezuela. The narrative used in their speeches determines the political doctrine of both presidents. Various quotes from the examined discourses, then assigned to the presented linguistic characteristics, leave no doubt that the narrative fits with populist ideas.

El Parlamento Europeo como tribuna moral internacional: el caso de Venezuela
Paula Lamoso González, Stelios Stavridis
Revista CIDOB d'afers internacionals, 2022

Uno de los objetivos principales de la diplomacia parlamentaria del Parlamento Europeo (PE) es velar por la democracia y los derechos humanos en el mundo. El caso de Venezuela es paradigmático, especialmente desde la llegada al poder de Nicolás Maduro en 2013 y el consecuente incremento de la represión política en el país, que ha derivado en una crisis social y económica, así como en la peor crisis humanitaria de América Latina en los últimos años. La Unión Europea (UE), presionada por el PE, ha impuesto desde 2017 sanciones económicas contra el régimen de Maduro. Además, el PE otorgó su Premio Sájarov a la oposición venezolana en 2017 y fue la primera institución de la UE en reconocer al opositor Juan Guaidó como presidente interino en 2019. Este artículo examina y confirma el papel del PE de tribuna moral internacional para el caso de Venezuela.

Poder y medios de comunicación Entre la democratización y el autoritarismo: La sinuosa historia venezolana 
Andrés Cañizález
Revista Agenda Política, 2022

En este texto se revisa la historia de surgimiento y consolidación del modelo de medios de comunicación en Venezuela, el cual tiene su apogeo en los años ´70 y ´80 del siglo pasado, en momentos en los este país exhibe en la región un sistema democrático apalancado por la renta petrolera. El ocaso democrático, a fines del siglo XX, abre paso a un período de autoritarismo político y comunicacional. El chavismo implantó un modelo denominado “hegemonía comunicacional”, que terminó formando parte de la herencia política que recibió Nicolás Maduro de Hugo Chávez en 2013, cuando el primero asume plenamente el poder en Venezuela, tras la muerte del segundo. El modelo mediático venezolano registró una transformación radical con acciones desde el poder, en cuyo discurso se dice defender la democratización, pero que en la práctica ha significado la consolidación de una lógica autoritaria política y comunicacional.

Polarising metaphors in the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis 
Silvia Peterssen, Augusto Soares da Silva 
Journal of Language and Politics. 2023

The 23rd of January 2019 marked the beginning of the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis, a unique socio-political conflict that confronted Nicolás Maduro, president of Venezuela, to the self-proclaimed leader Juan Guaidó. This paper explores the divisive power of conceptual metaphors in this context through the analysis of polarising metaphors, namely, metaphors that conceptualise ‘Us’ positively and/or ‘Them’ negatively. More specifically, from a corpus-based critical socio-cognitive perspective (Musolff 2016; Soares da Silva 2020; Charteris-Black 2011), this study looks at the main polarising metaphors of Maduro and Guaidó’s political discourses and examines their role in the discursive construction of ideological polarisation, social identities, and legitimacy using a target-based approach (Stefanowitsch and Gries 2006). The results show that both leaders strategically use polarising metaphors, especially those of CONFRONTATION, HUMAN BEING and JOURNEY, to reproduce their ideologies, reinforce their social identities, and legitimise their political positions.

Política de control social implementada por el régimen de Nicolás Maduro en Venezuela: 2013-2021 
Jesús Enrique Párraga Meléndez 
Multiverso Journal. 2023

En la historia reciente de Venezuela, son múltiples los mecanismos que se utilizan para controlar a la población, los mismos tienen un ropaje jurídico, además la línea que divide la ayuda social del control social, en ocasiones, es muy tenue, por lo que resulta imprescindible verificar simbólica y materialmente las características de cada uno, en sus expresiones de leyes habilitantes, censura, represión, pobreza, ignorancia, alimentos y servicios públicos, todo lo cual configura un control social informal que teórica e ideológicamente se desvinculan de planteamientos tradicionales, por ello, es menester también establecer su relación con la seguridad jurídica y los derechos humanos. En este sentido, el objetivo de la investigación consiste en describir la impronta de la política de control social implementada en Venezuela, desde 2013 hasta 2021. En lo metodológico se hizo uso de la técnica de investigación documental y de la hermenéutica. La información recabada permite concluir que hay un desequilibrio de poder, ya que no existe la separación entre los poderes públicos propia del Estado de derecho, de modo que las instituciones y órganos del Estado –en su totalidad– responden a los lineamientos del ejecutivo nacional y avalan sus políticas de control social.

Political and Social Problems in Venezuela in the second decade of the 21st century 
Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska 
Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne. 2020

Venezuela, which is the country with the largest documented oil reserves in the world, has been plunged into a political, economic and social crisis for several years, struggling with recession and multi-digit inflation. In the second half of the second decade of the 21st century, the country’s economic and political situation deteriorated. Over a million Venezuelans have already migrated from their country, where there is a lack of basic everyday products, including food, medicines and hygiene products. In relation to this state, part of a discussion is not only the political or economic crisis, but also the humanitarian one. Venezuela’s internal problems also affect security throughout the Latin American region. International institutions and regional organizations are trying to undertake activities aimed at ending the dictatorial rule of President Nicolás Maduro and restoring the country’s democracy and the rule of law.

Political Survival and… Authoritarian Consolidation?: The Maduro Government and Venezuela’s Political Crisis 
John Polga-Hecimovich, Raúl Sánchez Urribarrí 
Pensamiento Propio. 2023

This paper aims to investigate the extent to which Maduro has consolidated a fully-fledged authoritarian regime and in what ways. Has he simply maintained his position as president, solidified his power, become more authoritarian, or pursued alternative approaches? Several scholars have examined Maduro’s ability to survive amidst crisis and international policies aimed at his removal. They have noted the regime’s increasing authoritarianism (Corrales, 2020; Salmerón & Salmerón, 2019; Corrales, 2023; Romero, 2020; Bull & Rosales, 2020; Penfold, 2023). However, can we confidently state that Venezuela under Nicolás Maduro has become a fully consolidated autocracy? Whataspects of autocracy are consolidated, and what are the implications?

Regional human rights institutions struggling against populism: The case of Venezuela
G. Candia 
German Law Journal.  2019

The result of this history is a political culture across the continent characterized by conflict and polarization. The most recent wave of Latin American populism is represented by neo-populism. Neo-populism identifies itself as the “socialism of the 21st century.” Its most representative expression is the Chavista regime, which was led first by Hugo Chávez, and then by Nicolás Maduro. This Article, after examining what populism is, considers how regional human rights institutions of the Americas have dealt with the Chavista regime. In doing so, this Article describes the efforts deployed by both the Inter-American Commission and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to keep Chávez under control. This Article concludes that regional human rights supervision, being relevant in the context of the Venezuelan experience, was finally incapable of either preventing or stopping the authoritarian path adopted by Chávez. This was because: (a) early supervision over the Chavista regime did not avert its leaders from abusing human rights afterwards; and (b) intensifying regional supervision over the regime became paradoxically self-defeating after it took full control of the State apparatus.

Regional Integration Projects in Venezuela’s Foreign Policy under the Presidency of Nicolas Maduro (2013-2018) 
Roman Oleksenko,  Jorge Jesús Villasmil Espinoza, Regina Andriukaitienė 
Eminak. 2023

The purpose of the research paper is to highlight the development, changes, and results that occurred in Venezuela’s regional integration during President Nicolas Maduro’s first term of office (2013-2018). The novelty of the research paper is in a comprehensive analysis of Venezuela’s regional policy within the framework of the leading integration associations ALBA, CELAC, and UNASUR, which, according to Hugo Chavez’s plan, were supposed to turn the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela into a regional leader in Latin America. Instead, N. Maduro was unable to take advantage of his predecessor’s foreign policy successes and lost the opportunities he had planned. Conclusions. Taking into consideration the theoretical and ideological foundations of Venezuela’s foreign policy, the conclusion can be made that the regional vector of foreign policy has remained one of the focal points for President Nicolas Maduro. Thanks to its resources and ideological dominance, the country could rightfully claim regional leadership, as it united the countries of the region on the wave of anti-Americanism, initiated many integration movements, and made most countries in the region dependent on its energy supplies and credits. ‘Pockets of resistance’ to US expansion in Latin America and regional integration were concentrated in three organizations where Venezuela was one of the founders or key players: ALBA, CELAC, and UNASUR. The economic and political crisis that hit Venezuela sharply raised the question of the continuity of the ‘Bolivarian Project’, which affected the change in the state’s priorities, including in the international arena. N. Maduro had to focus on the country’s internal problems. In the regional integration policy of Venezuela during N. Maduro’s first term of office, we can distinguish two qualitative periods: 1. 2013-2015, the time of relatively successful implementation of the regional integration course, and, 2. 2016-2018, the decline and actual collapse of the regional vector of Venezuela’s foreign policy. It was just the loss of democratic tendencies in Maduro’s domestic policy that led to the loss of regional leadership and global stature. The three integration projects analyzed by the authors started losing their credibility and effectiveness during 2013-2018, which happened mostly due to the crisis in Venezuela. CELAC and UNASUR de facto ceased their activities, and ALBA remained the only instrument of N. Maduro’s regional influence.

Represión, justicia y derecho en la Venezuela de hoy (2013-2019) (Repression, justice and law in today’s Venezuela (2013-2019) 
Andrea Victoria Capriles, Y. Santacruz, Rogelio Pérez-Perdomo
OSLS. 2019

Este trabajo se refiere al uso de la represión y del sistema de justicia en Venezuela durante la presidencia de Nicolás Maduro (2013-2019). En la primera parte se analiza el fenómeno de la represión, cuantificando y explicando los actos represivos y el análisis del papel del aparato de justicia en la misma. En la segunda parte hay un estudio de trece casos que ilustran la manera como procede dicha represión. Después, se analiza cómo estas acciones pueden calificarse de violaciones de los derechos humanos y aun como crímenes de lesa humanidad. Finalmente, se teoriza sobre el significado del derecho y de la profesión jurídica en un régimen político que ha violado las normas constitucionales y ha conducido al país una emergencia humanitaria compleja. This article refers to the use of repression and the justice system in Venezuela during Nicolás Maduro’s presidency (2013-2019). In the first part, the phenomenon of repression is analyzed, quantifying and explaining repressive acts and examining the role of the judiciary in it. In the second part, there is a study of thirteen cases that illustrate the manner in which such repression is implemented. Then, we consider how these actions can be described as human rights violations and even as crimes against humanity. Finally, the meaning of law and the legal profession in a political regime that has violated all constitutional norms and has led the country into a complex humanitarian emergency is analyzed.

Resistiendo a la censura: estrategias de periodistas venezolanos exiliados durante el régimen de Nicolás Maduro 
Valentina Gutiérrez Calderón 
Momentum. 2024

La censura en Venezuela ha generado un ambiente adverso para los periodistas, intensificándose bajo el régimen de Nicolás Maduro. Esta situación ha forzado a periodistas destacados a emigrar para evitar represalias legales. En 2022, el Instituto de Prensa y Sociedad Venezolano reportó numerosos ataques a la libertad de expresión, incluyendo agresiones físicas, hostigamiento judicial y detenciones arbitrarias. Los periodistas en el exilio han utilizado tecnologías y plataformas digitales como redes sociales para seguir informando y denunciar abusos. Estas plataformas permiten el ciberactivismo y la acción política desde el exterior, aunque enfrentan desafíos como cortes de energía, intervención en comunicaciones y la difusión de noticias falsas. Estrategias como la creación de grupos de WhatsApp y el uso de plataformas informales como Snapchat han sido cruciales para mantener la conexión con su audiencia. En conclusión, los periodistas venezolanos en el exilio demuestran resiliencia y compromiso en la lucha contra la censura, utilizando innovadoras herramientas digitales para continuar su labor informativa y de movilización social.

La Revolución Bolivariana: un proyecto refundacional paradigmático de la izquierda revolucionaria iberoamericana 
Miguel Ángel Martínez Meucci
Araucaria. 2024

La Revolución Bolivariana es el proceso político iniciado en Venezuela a finales del siglo XX por Hugo Chávez y perpetuado en el siglo XXI por Nicolás Maduro. Por originalidad, longevidad, impacto interno e influencia exterior, es uno de los proyectos rcfundacionales más relevantes de la izquierda revolucionaria iberoamericana tras finalizar la Guerra Fría. Sus múltiples rasgos han propiciado diversas caracterizaciones desde la ciencia política. Se ofrece aquí una aproximación general al respecto, mediante una periodizáción que permite apreciar la evolución en el tiempo del movimiento y régimen chavista; una breve exposición del socialismo bolivariano como propuesta retórico-ideológica; una descripción sucinta del giro desarrollado en política exterior por parte del gobierno venezolano tras asumir la condición de estado revolucionario; y una caracterización general del chavismo-madurismo como movimiento y régimen político, concluyendo que sus rasgos y tendencias totalitarias son las que mejor definen su naturaleza en términos globales.

Sanciones como instrumento de coerción: ¿cuán similares son las políticas de Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea hacia Venezuela? 
Susanne Gratius, Anna Ayuso Pozo 
América Latina Hoy. 2020

Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea reconocieron a Juan Guaidó como presidente interino de Venezuela, al tiempo que incrementaban las sanciones hacia el gobierno de NicolásMaduro para que convocara elecciones e iniciara una transición democrática. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que los objetivos e instrumentos de ambos actores hacia Venezuela no son idénticos, este artículo analiza las semejanzas y diferencias en sus políticas, teniendo en cuenta el antecedente del caso cubano y la literatura sobre sanciones.

The Statute that Governs the Transition to Democracy and the Int'l Recognition of the Venezuela Interim President 
José Ignacio Hernández G.
International Legal Materials. Cambridge Press. 2022

Since January 23, 2019, several countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, have recognized the speaker of the Venezuela National Assembly, deputy Juan Guaidó, as interim president until free and fair presidential elections are called. That recognition was a consequence of the repudiation of the 2018 presidential election, in which the incumbent president, Nicolás Maduro, was fraudulently proclaimed president for the term that began on January 10, 2019. A few days later, on February 6, 2019, the Venezuelan National Assembly approved a special law, the Statute that Governs the Transition to Democracy to Restore the Enforcement of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (the Transition Statute). The primary purpose of the Transition Statute was to regulate the exercise of the presidency by the speaker of the National Assembly acting as interim president, based on Article 233 of the Venezuelan Constitution.

Two Decades of Imperial Failure: Theorizing U.S. Regime Change Efforts in Venezuela from Bush II to Trump 
Timothy M Gill, Joseph Marshall Brown 
Class, Race and Corporate Power. 2020

Former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez ushered in the Pink Tide and the rise of the left in Latin America at the turn of the 21st century. Chávez initially won presidential elections in 1998 based on the promise of participatory democracy and tackling economic inequality, and thereafter by championing 21st Century Socialism. From the beginning, Chávez challenged U.S. global leadership by condemning its vision for the world and by cultivating an anti-imperial nexus of allies. This pattern has continued under current President Nicolás Maduro. In response, the U.S. has opposed the Venezuelan socialists throughout three successive presidential administrations: Bush II, Obama, and Trump. Taking influence from Michael Mann’s IEMP model of social power, we detail the ideological, economic, military, and political strategies these administrations have used to undermine the Venezuelan government and assist right-wing opposition parties and civil society groups in Venezuela. While Bush II and Obama primarily sought to depose Chávez by bolstering right-wing political parties and groups that aimed to unseat Chávez at the ballot box, Trump has recognized a parallel government open to an extra-legal change of government and openly called for coercive regime change through a military coup d’état.

United States Recognizes the Opposition Government in Venezuela and Imposes Sanctions as Tensions Escalate. 
American Journal of International Law. 2019

The Trump administration formally recognized Juan Guaidó as the interim president of Venezuela on January 23, 2019, making the United States the first nation to officially accept the legitimacy of Guaidó’s government and reject incumbent President Nicolás Maduro’s claim to the presidency. In a campaign designed to oust Maduro from power, the United States has encouraged foreign governments and intergovernmental organizations to recognize Guaidó and has imposed a series of targeted economic sanctions to weaken Maduro’s regime. As of June 2019, however, Maduro remained in power within Venezuela.

The US and Russian resource rivalry in the context of the contemporary Venezuelan crisis: the perils of the rentier petro-state 
K. Tripathi, S. B. Girisanker
Austral. 2020

Venezuela continues to face rampant inflation, poverty, and diseases pilling up in light of the US sanctions against PDVSA (Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A), the Venezuelan state-owned Oil Company. Despite the crisis, Russia continues to play a key role in supporting the regime of Nicolas Maduro and sustaining oil production in the country. The research focuses on the role played by Russia in helping the current regime to survive against the US sanctions and what is the vested interest it brings along with it. The outcome of the research is to find out the role played by Russian oil industries in shaping Russia’s Foreign Policy in Venezuela and to know whether Moscow has any leverage over the energy sector in Venezuela. The paper gives prime importance to the Venezuelan economy and Geopolitics of oil. The research aims to give a whole new outlook by exploring the nuances of oil giants in shaping international relations between countries through its diplomatic skills.Keywords: PDVSA, Rosneft, Venezuela, Geopolitics, Monroe Doctrine, Citgo, Orinoco basin

U.S. Department of Justice Indicts Venezuelan Leader Nicolás Maduro on Narcotrafficking Charges 
American Journal of International Law. 2020

On March 26, 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) announced the indictment of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, along with fourteen current and former regime officials, on charges mostly related to drug trafficking. Specifically, an indictment unsealed in the Southern District of New York charges Maduro with leading the Venezuelan narcotrafficking group Cártel de Los Soles and conspiring with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People’s Army (FARC) guerilla group to “‘flood’ the United States with cocaine” and “us[e] cocaine as a weapon against America.” Although the United States, consistent with international law, normally treats sitting heads of state as immune from prosecution, U.S. Attorney General Barr indicated that Maduro did not qualify for head-of-state immunity because the United States does not recognize him as the president of Venezuela. Instead, the United States and fifty-seven other countries recognize Interim President Juan Guaidó. The indictment may mark a shift in the broader U.S. policy toward Venezuela, which had largely relied on targeted sanctions against key Maduro allies to encourage defection.

Venezuela 2019: A Tale of Two Presidents 
Adriana Boersner 
Revista de ciencia política (Santiago). 2020

After opposition leader Juan Guaidó challenged Nicolás Maduro’s leadership in January 2019, what has happened in Venezuela at the political, economic, and social levels? What has been the international response to the Venezuelan crisis? This paper aims to provide an overview of domestic processes that took place in Venezuela in 2019. It begins by highlighting the political challenge to the autocratic regime of Nicolás Maduro when the president of the National Assembly assumed the role of interim president of Venezuela. Then, it examines the main socioeconomic problems in Venezuela, and how the international community reacted to these challenges. The final section discusses the current situation of the regime and the opposition after a year of attempts at dialogue and negotiation.

Venezuela: An Unstable Equilibrium 
Dimitris Pantoulas, Jennifer McCoy. 
Revista de ciencia política (Santiago). 2019

Venezuela’s descent into the abyss deepened in 2018. Half of the country’s GDP has been lost in the last five years; poverty and income inequality have deepened, erasing the previous gains from the earlier years of the Bolivarian Revolution. Significant economic reforms failed to contain the hyperinflation, and emigration accelerated to reach three million people between 2014 and 2018, ten percent of the population. Politically, the government of Nicolás Maduro completed its authoritarian turn following the failed Santo Domingo dialogue in February, and called for an early election in May 2018. Maduro’s victory amidst a partial opposition boycott and international condemnation set the stage for a major constitutional clash in January 2019, when the world was divided between acknowledging Maduro’s second term or an opposition-declared interim president, Juan Guaido.

Venezuela and its Neighbors: The Discursive Struggle for Latin America 
José O. Pérez. 
Relaciones Internacionales. 2019

Over the past decade, Venezuela has entered into a deep recession, which has resulted in millions migrating abroad. In February of 2019, the United States and its allies recognized the interim government of Juan Guaido, creating a standoff with the Chavista government of Nicolas Maduro. This article conducts a nuanced analysis of the situation in Venezuela across multiple levels as it problematizes our ontological understanding of individuals, states, and international system. Through a post-structuralist approach to security, I argue that individuals have been portrayed in contradictory humanitarian discourses as a means of advancing particular political interests. Furthermore, I critically analyze the role of space, time, and multilateralism, and their subsequent effects for 21stcentury global order.

Venezuela: Autocratic Consolidation and Splintered Economic Liberalization 
Antulio Rosales, Maryhen Jiménez. 
Revista de ciencia política (Santiago). 2021

In 2020, Venezuela has gone through a process of autocratic consolidation. This consolidation has taken place amid substantial economic reforms that have allowed the government of Nicolás Maduro survive sustained international and domestic pressure. In this article, we analyze this process of autocratic consolidation. We explain how, by focusing on the establishment of an «interim-government» in 2019, the Venezuelan opposition has been unable to coordinate an inclusive strategy to successfully bring about a democratic breakthrough and instead became further divided. We address the economic transformations witnessed in the country as policies of fragmented liberalization through opaque privatizations and an uneven multi-currency system, which have resulted from a deep recession, the collapse of the oil economy and sanctions. Finally, we discuss the implications of these political and economic processes for the social fabric of the country. We highlight that despite the government’s attempts at criminalizing autonomous activism, the relative strengths of civil society allowed the survival of minimal democratic spaces that have spurred dialogue and resistance.

Venezuela: la lógica de la supervivencia autocrática
Benigno Alarcón Deza, Manuel Hidalgo
Revista de ciencia política (Santiago), 2024

En este artículo se analiza el caso de una autocracia electoral, el de Venezuela, que se mueve entre la búsqueda de legitimidad formal a través de la reelección de su líder y una mayor autocratización ante el riesgo de salir del poder como consecuencia de la pérdida de competitividad electoral. Ante esa situación, cuando los que ejercen el gobierno pierden gran parte de su popularidad, el tema de la disponibilidad de recursos económicos se vuelve más importante, para mantener la maquinaria electoral y alimentar las redes clientelares. Si lo anterior falla, como se ha evidenciado en Venezuela durante el año 2023, el gobierno para sobrevivir pasa a depender mucho más de lo represivo y de su progresiva autocratización. Ello abre una dinámica poco alentadora para el mantenimiento del chavismo en el poder a medio plazo, en particular si hay de por medio unas elecciones críticas, como las presidenciales que celebrará Venezuela en 2024, aunque a corto plazo el desenlace dependerá en gran parte de cómo jueguen sus cartas el chavismo y la oposición.

Venezuelan Colectivos: A Symbol of the Authoritarian Rule of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro 
Wawrzyniec Kowalski. 
Political Science. Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne. 2023

The article aims to present the role played in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela by colectivos – criminal groups adhering to extreme leftist ideology. The text characterises the essence of these groups, while highlighting that they are an important factor petrifying the resistance of the Chavist ruling camp. The work also contains an analysis of the impact of colectivos on the electoral process. It was emphasized that the procedure of intimidation of the opposition by members of the discussed groups is only one of the elements that are part of the broadly defined actions carried out by the ruling camp to maintain power, and resulting not only in the deterioration of internal security, but also in violation of the principles of a democratic state governed by the rule of law. The research results indicate that these groups constitute a noticeable and important, although only secondary, means of influencing the opposition.

Venezuelan regional elections, democratic backsliding, and autocratization in the 2010s 
John Polga-Hecimovich. 
Regional & Federal Studies. 2022

While explanations of democratic backsliding in Venezuela have focused on a host of national-level processes, few scholars have considered subnational drivers of democratic decay. This paper explains how Venezuelan leaders used electoral manipulation in regional elections, targeted punishment of subnational authorities, and creation of parallel subnational political-administrative bodies to undermine democracy and aid in the consolidation of authoritarianism in the 2010s. During the presidency of Hugo Chávez, the government sought to win elections under relatively free conditions but pursued highly partisan attacks on opposition governors and mayors, limiting their autonomy and authority, while centralizing power. Then, as the Nicolás Maduro government faced threats to its hegemony at the ballot box, electoral manipulation gave way to outright fraud. The study highlights novel forms of subnational control and shows how regional elections and center-subnational relations helped push Venezuela from an electoral democracy in 2010 to an electoral authoritarian regime by decade’s end.

Venezuela’s crisis from global perspectives (collection) 
Varios autores. 
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. 2020

Venezuela faces the worst economic crisis in its recent history, with a deep recession, hyperinflation and scarcity that have skyrocketed poverty levels, triggering a massive migratory outflow. The internal political situation is at deadlock as the government of Nicolás Maduro rules without real constitutional mandate, while it represses dissent and disqualifies political opponents from elections. The country’s crisis is no longer solely circumscribed to the national sphere. Oil production has plummeted, taking away over 2 million barrels of oil per day from the global market. Approximately 3 million Venezuelans have fled to neighboring countries in an unprecedented migratory wage. Major western powers have imposed sanctions on government representatives and institutions. Emerging powers have also played a role in financially withstanding delays in debt repayments and have avoided direct action to pressure the Maduro regime to change its behavior. The crisis has become a regional and global problem. In this context, different multilateral, bilateral and individual initiatives have emerged to bridge domestic actors to carve out a solution. Both government and opposition have also leveraged foreign actors and institutions to further their interests domestically. In addition, emerging civil society actors within and outside Venezuela increasingly play a role in the deepening of the crisis or proposing solutions. Venezuelan migrants are becoming diffuse players in different regional settings. Some Venezuelan businesses have started to cooperate with the Maduro government and others remain fragmented in their opposition to it.

The Waiting Game: Who Benefits from Recovered Assets Associated with Venezuelan State Corruption? Remission as a Solution 
Alejandro Rodriguez Vanzetti. 
FIU Law Review. 2023

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (“Venezuela”) has, and continues to undergo, significant political and economic challenges stemming from government corruption. In response, the United States government has seized assets of current or former Venezuelan state officials associated with criminal wrongdoing, imposed sanctions on Nicolas Maduro’s government, and proposed legislation to combat corruption. The Department of Justice (“DOJ”) has led dozens of prosecutions against those responsible for these crimes through its use of asset forfeiture, a critical tool in the recovery of illicit proceeds. An estimated $300 billion of these assets are held in South Florida alone, with $1.5 billion identified in U.S. court filings. The U.S. government has freed up assets on a very limited basis for emergency use by the U.S.-recognized opposition government. This begs a few questions: will these assets be returned to victims of corruption, and, if so, when, to whom, and how? To remedy this dilemma, the U.S. government should open the door to reviewing petitions for remission: a DOJ-led mechanism used to compensate victims that experienced a pecuniary loss as a result of a crime underlying forfeiture. This process, which is authorized under the forfeiture statutes and other regulations, has proven to be successful when compensating victims in large, multi-victim, white-collar crime cases. However, the review and approval of remission applications lies solely in the hands of the DOJ, with no possibility for judicial review. Still, victims that can meet the intricate requirements of remission have a chance at compensation for their financial losses. Through this process, the DOJ’s Asset Forfeiture Program can accomplish one of its primary goals in support of those affected by Venezuelan-state corruption: recover and return forfeited assets to victims.

The West Against the Rest? Democracy Versus Autocracy Promotion in Venezuela 
Susanne Gratius
Bulletin of Latin American Research. 2021

Venezuela provides a strong test case for the weakening of democracy and the strengthening of autocracy promotion. External actors are a key part of the domestic political game: the European Union and the United States (EUUS) promote ‘democracy by coercion’ and recognised Juan Guaidó as president, whereas China, Cuba and Russia (CCR) bolster the regime of Nicolás Maduro. A comparative foreign policy analysis argues that, firstly, EUUS sanctions have resulted in strengthening CCR’s autocratic leverage and linkage; and secondly, the division ‘between the West and the Rest’ has posed an additional obstacle for a transition to democracy and national reconstruction.

What is a “Mafia State” and how is one created? 
McCarthy-Jones M. Turner 
Policy studies. 2021

How do corrupt practices evolve into the almost complete criminalization of the state, and what are the conditions necessary for a mafia state to emerge? In this article, we trace Venezuela’s political trajectory under President Hugo Chávez and its causal connection to the consolidation of a mafia state under President Nicolás Maduro by identifying critical junctures that occurred under the administrations of Presidents Chávez and Maduro. These critical junctures first laid the foundations for the mafia state, albeit unintentionally, and then allowed and encouraged the criminalization of the state. The incremental abolition of governance institutions started by Chávez and continued by Maduro in the context of dramatic decline in oil production created an ideal environment in which criminal activities could thrive. By the end of this process, Venezuela had evolved into a complex kleptocracy in which no rule of law or institutions were capable of or willing to oppose the executive and its loyal military and irregular force allies. Thus, a mafia state is born.